Radical Connections – Al Garthwaite – Lesbian History Group Event 04/02/2017
Lesbian Ethics. Lesbian History Group Event 3/06/2016
Adrienne Rich’s Women and Honor: Some Notes on Lying was written in 1975. Her introduction said ‘It is clear that among women we need a new ethics; as women, a new morality.’ She went on to say, ‘I wrote Women and Honor in an effort to make myself more honest, and to understand the terrible negative power of the lie in relationships between women.’
I think I first read it in Newcastle on Tyne in the late 70s, and as I remember it was circulated widely among lesbian feminists in Tyneside at the time. Women mainly reached for it to quote bits to each other when they’d split up with a lover, or fallen out with a friend or a group. We focussed on ‘the terrible negative power of the lie in relationships between women’, and conveniently forgot AR’s assertion that she wrote it also ‘in an effort to make [herself] more honest’.
This reaction to the article points up the difficulty of establishing a lesbian ethics. A ‘new morality’ does involve making judgments about the attitudes and actions and politics of other lesbians, and we can fall into many traps in trying to do so.
I’m going to read out some significant passages from the essay, just in case you’re not familiar with it, and/or to give you the flavour.
Just a word – AR constantly refers to ‘relationships’; Julia Penelope – quoted in Changing our Minds, (p 116) says
‘Our relationships aren’t limited to those that are sexual; sexual intimacy isn’t the defining characteristic of a ‘relationship’. Our friendships are ‘relationships’, and our disagreements are relationships, too.’ (1990)
Can we think in terms of this wider definition?
Rich begins by talking about the male idea of honour, and how women in patriarchy have been expected to lie, and rewarded for lying. She then switches to our own relationships.
‘To discover that one has been lied to in a personal relationship, however, leads one to feel a little crazy.’ etc.
In Changing our Minds (1993), Celia Kitzinger and Rachel Perkins basically wrote another version of lesbian ethics, in that they mount a detailed critique of therapy and the way it has been taken up by lesbians, causing us to embrace being victims together, rather than enriching each other as activists changing the world. A major part of therapy ideology is establishing a cult of ‘the self’, so that every woman’s experience and opinions are valid, and equal. (‘You’re worth it.’) Perhaps therapy doesn’t have such a hold now, but what’s still relevant is the way the jargon and psychobabble has infiltrated our consciousness – and politics. For instance, ‘just as therapists are not supposed to be judgemental, angry or critical with us, so we are supposed not to be judgemental, angry or critical with each other.’
‘Criticisms are felt as “attacks” and disagreements experienced as “hostility.” (p 148)
Where I stand
I’m totally sympathetic to Women and Honor, and I’ve always thought Changing our Minds a ground breaking book, and dipping into it over the last few days 20 years later I haven’t changed my mind.
My difficulty is applying the ethics to the lesbian community, in a bid to change the world.
As long ago as 1981, I wrote an article entitled ‘Reflections on the break-up of a lesbian relationship’, in which I stated ‘Because of the confusions and lack of patterns for our behaviour, it’s very easy for us to accuse each other of acting like men, of not having rid ourselves of ‘the patriarchy within’, …for instance, the word ‘patriarchal’ can be used to apply to all kinds of lesbian feminist behaviour. We can call monogamy patriarchal because of all the associations of property/possession. But we can also call non-monogamy patriarchal when it’s expressed as ‘Why should I deny myself as many sexual partners as I want just because my lover feels hurt? Why should any of these women put demands on me? I’m free to sleep with them all’. In the latter case, we have the problem of morality. In trying to invent a new existence, we hurt others.’
I think I was saying we can play with words and concepts to our own advantage. (Friggin’ Little Bits, a lesbian singing group in Newcastle in the 1970s, wrote lots of songs that showed how lesbians tied ourselves in knots trying to invent new ways of relating, while not being able to discard notions and feelings of possessiveness, ownership and jealousy. – ‘I’m yours, you’re mine, fuck anyone else’ go the words of one song).
A list of devices lesbians use against each other in the name of ethics/morality roll off my tongue….
‘You’re aggressive/entitled/abusive…acting like a man’; ‘you’re silencing me/negating my experience’; ‘right and wrong are patriarchal concepts, smacking of Catholicism’; ‘let me discuss your racism with you’, etc. I’m sure you can all think of examples…
So, is there a relevance for lesbian ethics today?
Note that as a political movement, being critical and asking questions has meant we are denigrated as the ‘thought police’, and now, of course, as TERFS.
Elaine Hutton, June 3rd, 2016
Copyrights © Elaine Hutton / Lesbian History Group and lesbianhistorygroup.wordpress.com, 2016. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Lesbian History Group and lesbianhistorygroup.wordpress.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
‘How to become a lesbian in 35 minutes’- Municipal Lesbian Feminism and Lesbians in education. Lesbian History Group Event 5/12/2015
Lesbians in Education in the 1980s.
I’m going to talk about the Girlswork movement within the Youth Service in the 1980s, which arose out of second wave feminism, but first take a brief retrospective look at the Girls Club movement which began in first wave feminism.
2) Girls’ Clubs
The basic message, throughout this time, was ‘– understanding and valuing girls and ensuring they get equal shares.’ (Jane Dixon A Short History of the Girls Club Movement in London)
2) So what happened?
3) How the 12 borough wide Girls’ and Young Women’s Projects were born.
There is some harassment of the girls by the boys but this is only healthy natural teasing. I firmly believe in the integration of girls and boys and see no need for specific work with girls…In fact, two girls are taking part in a pool competition (Out of Sight, p 27)
It is important to find the right type of woman to work with girls. …Women who believe that girls have a positive role to play but are not strong feminists. I dislike feminist views; they only rouse hostility in men and boys. (Out of Sight, p.24)
Tower Hamlets Girls Project- Snapshot
I was employed by Tower Hamlets Girls Project (1984-88), and often worked closely with Hackney Girls Project, which had also employed a lesbian. In the time I was there we had a great deal of freedom to do what we wanted.
Among the aims of my project (which of course we wrote ourselves) were:
Because of ILEA’s radical policies at the time, we had money, and access to resources. There was a central Learning Resources branch. Lots of videos were available, which generated discussions and ideas – for example, Motherland, (1983) – ‘based upon the personal testimony of 23 women who came to Britain from the West Indies in the 1950s’, talking to their daughters who were youth club members; How can I ignore the girl next door? (how to become a lesbian in 35 minutes), young lesbians talking about their lives; Danny’s Big Night – scrutinising male behaviour critically; these videos were usually made by youth projects, with the help of arts’ workers.
Provision for girls quickly took on feminist approaches. e.g. with part-time lesbian feminist youth workers, I ran a number of evening girls’ groups, where we discussed anything and everything – e.g. why would you want to get married? what do you want to do with your life? At times, these became young women’s consciousness raising sessions, so girls disclosed abuse, and raised issues of being bullied. (We always tried to deal with problems that arose in their lives). We worked with community arts projects to make videos, e.g. Four Corners, a video shopfront project collaborated with our project, so several groups made short videos on ‘fostering’ and ‘sexual harassment’ – they chose the topics, wrote the ‘storyboard’, improvised the acting out of scenes, and learned to use the equipment to video their stories, then we showed them publicly. Over time, in different youth club sessions, they explored ideas and issues which affected them, such as authority and freedom, racism, relationships with friends, siblings, parents, parents’ partners – the space and time to do this became invaluable. I also started running girls’ groups in several schools, at lunch-time and after school, and even did sessions in school-time with sympathetic teachers – always insisting on single-sex groups, which felt like a coup, given schools were generally more conservative in their approach.
e organised several girls’ activities weeks across Tower Hamlets and Hackney, and employed a number of tutors to do ‘non-traditional activities’ with groups of girls. The organisation of these was formidable, getting venues, transport, tutors, and working out the timing. I employed lesbian feminists whenever I could, including the van drivers. Activities included car maintenance, self-defence, horse-riding, carpentry, computers, drama/video.Several times, we took groups of girls away, to Oaklands Women’s House in Wales, to do activities such as mountain-biking, pony trekking and canoeing. The main aim was to give them a sustained experience of an all-women environment. Here, predictably, anti-lesbianism emerged, which manifested itself as resistance to the two women who were teaching them canoeing. On the second day the whole group came down to the stony bank in skirts, high-heels and full make-up, rather than jeans and warm jackets…we dealt with it by going back to the house and having a discussion, which didn’t resolve everything, but we were careful to confront their stereotypes and prejudices and talk about why they held these attitudes. (Their resistance to lesbianism was a demonstration of ‘femininity’!)
We organised training for both full and part-time youth workers – sexual abuse (including what to do when girls disclose), how to approach non-traditional activities, challenging heterosexism, working with girls in ‘mixed’ youth clubs.
The full-time Girls’ Project workers throughout London met regularly together around the boroughs to discuss problems, conflicts with management, conflicts with each other. These meetings had the effect of making us a united and coherent and politically formidable grouping of women.
5) Young lesbian groups
I set up one quite late on in my years working there – it didn’t really come out of the project organically, so didn’t last long. I think the most valuable work I did in the project was running and organising young women’s groups, where they had the opportunity to reflect on their lives, and perhaps gain a different perspective. The strength lay in showing them strong women, a lot of whom were lesbians, as the girls I worked with were often quite young. So it was youth provision for girls which offered, among other things, wider possibilities than heterosexuality – and femininity. (pass round photos).
Within other girls’ projects, young lesbian groups emerged as a genuine development as the need arose, and had a feminist basis, as radical work with girls meant young women were able to see lesbianism as a positive political alternative to heterosexuality.
This is illustrated by statements made by a young lesbian,
I began to realise that there was a political affiliation, in some places, with lesbianism …I had thought it was just purely sexual, and then I finally realised that it had a lot to do with politics…And how it can be a political decision not to sleep with men… (Talking about Young Lesbians, p.29)
However, a number of young lesbian and gay groups, funded mainly by the GLC and partly by ILEA London Youth Committee and other sources, functioned at the time. The London Gay Teenage Group received funding from the GLC, and though it’s never stated, there was a tendency in such groups to put male interests first in groups that didn’t emerge from young women’s projects. For instance, there were a number of underlying assumptions behind lesbian and gay youth work:
We can see how this thinking leads directly to the situation we have today – LGBT.
These assumptions created a context for the work, which meant certain forms of provision were more acceptable than others. Groups were advertised as offering support, advice or counselling. Courses were run for lesbian and gay youth workers, on ‘counselling skills and healthy living’ to deal with internalised oppression. This emphasis on the route to healthy homosexuality was insidious, as it reflected the ideology of the individualised solution, where anger and potential action against oppression were contained. The counselling model was more acceptable to local authorities, as it did not upset the status quo. .
One outcome of this was that lesbianism was restricted to small groups where young women had already defined themselves…so it didn’t ‘spread’. There were several instances within the Girls’ Projects of lesbian workers being told by their officers that it was inappropriate to come out to young women in other groups, even if they asked directly. I asked my manager what support I’d get if I came out in a school, as the girls were already making comments about my short hair and manner of dress and she told me it was inappropriate to talk about my private life, as she, the manager, wouldn’t come out as a drug user. (However, it was always acceptable for heterosexual workers to talk about families and male partners and kids). The same (white) officer told me Asian women wouldn’t attend a training day challenging heterosexism, because ‘Asian people think it’s rude to talk about sex’ again revealing her own prurient view of lesbianism and racist assumption that no lesbians are Asian.
6) How did it all disappear? (again)
7) What can we learn from these experiences?
Copyright © Elaine Hutton / Lesbian History Group and lesbianhistorygroup.wordpress.com, 2015. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Lesbian History Group and lesbianhistorygroup.wordpress.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
Hutton, Elaine, Girls’ Own Story, (later titled Sabotage in the Youth Service), 1985, unpublished thesis for Diploma of Youth and Community Work
Lloyd, Trefor, Work with Boys, National Youth Bureau, 19854
National Organisation for Work with Girls and Young Women – Background and History
This is a leaflet which includes references to articles by Louie Hart, Val Jones, Val Marshall, Pratibha Parmar, Gilly Salvat, and Jane Dixon
Within the leaflet, I have used information from the following:
Val Marshall ‘The Working Group for the recently formed national organisation for Work with Girls and Young Women explains why the re-establishment of a Girls Work Organisation is long overdue’, published in Youth in Society, June 1983
Jane Dixon A Short History of the Girls Club Movement in London
Val Marshall Girls are People too.Out of Sight: A Report on how the ILEA Youth Service in the Camden area is meeting the needs of Girls and Young Women, 1982
Tower Hamlets Girls’ Project Report, September 1984 – July 1986
Trenchard, Lorraine (ed), Talking about Young Lesbians, London Gay Teenage Group, 1984
Trenchard, Lorraine & Warren, Hugh, Something to Tell You, London Gay Teenage Group, 1984
Trenchard, Lorraine, & Warren, Hugh, Talking about Youth Work, London Gay Teenage Group, 1985
Youth Work Unit, Working with Girls: A Reader’s Route Map, National Youth Bureau, 1981
‘How to become a lesbian in 35 minutes’- Municipal Lesbian Feminism and Lesbians in education. Lesbian History Group Event 5/12/2015
The 1980s saw the development of a new phenomenon – municipal lesbian feminism, when some lesbian feminists in London began to work for and influence local government – most significantly the Greater London Council (GLC) and the Inner London Education Authority. As well as addressing sexism, the GLC adopted the concept of ‘challenging heterosexism.’ Funding was given to some lesbians projects and training was developed for staff on how to challenge heterosexism in the workplace. The concept of challenging heterosexism also impacted on the Inner London Authority most significantly in the youth service through the development of girls work and some young lesbian groups. The talks discuss what lesbians involved in this work were able to achieve and the opposition to it.
Municipal lesbian feminism in London 1981-1987
Dr Lynne Harne became a lesbian feminist activist during the l970s. In the l980s she worked as a research and policy officer for Rights of Women on lesbian and child custody issues, then became an equal opportunities officer with specific responsibility challenging for heterosexism at the GLC and then worked for the ILEA and was a member of the feminist lesbians in education group. In the l990s she became an academic.)
I am going to talk about a brief moment in the l980s when lesbian feminism became mainstreamed in London focussing on the Greater London Council and its sister organisation the Inner London Education Authority. The Greater London council (GLC) was abolished by Margaret Thatcher in l986, but the Inner London Education Authority survived another 4 years before it too was abolished in 1990.
The wider political context
The wider political background to this is that the Tories had won the general election in l979 but many local authorities were being run by left wing labour councils. Ken Livingstone became the labour leader of the GLC in l981 and decided to open up the work of the council to improve equal opportunities for working class people, black and ethnic minorities, women, people with disabilities and lesbians and gay men. It was known as the Rainbow Coalition.
The GLC Women’s Committee and the Funding of lesbian feminist projects
Initially, there was a lesbian and gay working party which was heavily dominated by gay men and gay male interests but lesbian feminism began to have an influence when the Women’s Committee was established in l982. Several lesbian feminists went to work for the women’s committee support unit during this time and established that lesbians had different needs and interests from gay men. The Woman’s Committee began for the first time to fund lesbian projects – for example it funded the lesbian custody project at the women’s legal organisation Rights of Women and also funded some workers at Lesbian Line (a phone line for lesbians only) as well as funding other women’s projects mainly run by lesbian feminists such as Women in Manual Trades. It even purchased the lease of buildings so that they could be women only and provide women only services. One of these was 54 Featherstone Street (now called Tyndall Manor) and as far as I am aware remains the only building in London just for women and women’s services, today.
However the committee also gave funding to more libertarian feminist organisations such as English Collective of prostitutes and later loaned money to Sheba publishers which began to publish lesbian porn in the late l980s. In addition, it contributed to funding the setting up of a lesbian and gay centre which ended up never being used by lesbian feminists because it was taken over by the BDSM brigade and was probably the first so called lesbian and gay centre to allow male trans to use the women’s toilets.
The influence of lesbian feminism and the battle against heterosexism
Following on what had already happened in the women’s liberation movement the women’s committee underlined identity politics which became viewed as a series of separate oppressions or isms i.e. sexism , racism, disablism and later heterosexism. Within this approach, however lesbian feminists were still able to have an impact on the policies and some of the practices of the GLC through, for the first time challenging anti-lesbian attitudes and discrimination. On a broader level we raised the idea of compulsory heterosexuality as a social institution, through the concept of heterosexism and challenged ideas that lesbians and gay men are ‘born that way,’ and are sad victims of their biology.
Heterosexism the last ism to be addressed represented the first political and ideological confrontation between lesbian feminists and gay men at the GLC, highlighting the difference between lesbian feminist politics and the increasing libertarianism of gay male politics at the time. Already working in the GLC was an established gay male mafia who believed they were born that way and could not help being gay and this was the approach they wanted to take in challenging lesbian and gay discrimination.
However the lesbian feminists argued that in tackling heterosexism we should state that sexuality was socially constructed, and that heterosexuality was a compulsory institution and was coerced.
How Heterosexism was defined.
The lesbian and gay version was set out in the leaflet ‘Harrassment of lesbians and gay men..and how to challenge it at the GLC’ (l985) this leaflet was circulated to all 15 thousand GLC employees at the time
This is an extract from it
‘Lesbians and Gay men exist in all cultures, races and classes and religions and have existed throughout history.
People are not born with a particular sexuality they acquire it
Heterosexism is a set of ideas and practices which assume that heterosexuality is the superior and therefore only ‘normal’ and ‘natural’ form of sexual relationship.’
The gay male mafia strongly objected to the wording that ‘people acquired a sexuality’ rather than being born with it and tried unsuccessfully to get this phrase removed.
The Women’s committee version on challenging heterosexism went even further to include an analysis of the coercive nature of heterosexuality and encapsulated contemporary lesbian feminist analysis. This was reflected in the handbook called ‘Tackling Heterosexism: A Handbook on Lesbian Rights’ which was published just before GLC abolition in l986.
‘In the same way (as sexism), it has become clear that heterosexuality liked the assumed superiority of men is not natural but acquired. The fact that a majority of women and men choose it as their preferred form of sexuality has more to do with persuasion, coercion and threats of ostracisation than with its superiority as a form of sexuality.
In a heterosexist society the pressure is on right from childhood through adolescence and into adult life to ‘choose’ heterosexuality. So intense is that pressure that most heterosexuals do not even experience any sense of making a choice and so universal is it that most do not even experience it as a pressure. Women’s magazines, for example are full of information on how to be heterosexual – and rarely give an alternative…People are rewarded for fitting into the heterosexual model and punished for not doing so. Such a dominance spreads far beyond what happens in individuals personal and private lives, into every aspect of the way society is organised.’
It also spelt out the relationship between heterosexism and sexism in the following statement.
‘Mainly because of the impact of the women’s liberation movement, sexism has over the past 20 years received increasingly serious attention. Because many lesbians have felt they have more in common with heterosexual women in the struggle against sexism (men’s power over women) than gay men, much less attention has been paid to heterosexism with which sexism is intricately related.…
While gay men are often under threat of violence from heterosexual men, lesbians are even more likely to be attacked and in addition they experience sexual harassment, whether or not their sexuality is known. While gay men are often despised or mimicked for not being real men, Lesbians arouse anger for challenging the assumption that women need a man emotionally, sexually and financially. They are accused of trying to be like men by rejecting what are regarded as essential feminine mannerisms or ambitions – infact any woman who refuses to acquire and display these is threatened with being labelled lesbian, whether or not she is.
‘Lesbianism represents for most men and many heterosexual women the least attractive and most threatening type of womanhood. To call a young woman a ‘lessie’ is very common at school if she steps out of line by showing affection for girls or women or does not focus on making herself attractive to boys or men in the modes laid down by heterosexism. ‘Lessie’ ‘lesbian and ‘dyke’ are tantamount to forms of abuse used to control the behaviour of all women. For this and many other reasons heterosexism and its relationship to sexism are issues for all women.’ (GLC Women’s Committee, Tackling Heterosexism: a Handbook of Lesbian Rights, l986; ps 5-7)
Much of the women’s committee analysis was also reflected in a training manual on challenging heterosexism for use with workplace employees, which it was hoped would be used by other local authorities on abolition. (GLC Equal Opportunities Group, Challenging Heterosexism in the work place: a training resource pack for Personnel and Training Staff in Local Authorities, l986)
The mainstream response
Perhaps not surprisingly, more than any other equalities policies developed at the GLC, the women’s committee policies to tackle sexism and heterosexism, became the main target of the Tories in arguing for its abolition and were taken up by the rightwing media. To quote from Linda Lee Potter of the Daily Mail in an article entitled ‘Now Big Sister is watching you,’ in l984.
‘Militant GLC feminists are said by the Tories to be launching a £700,000 campaign dedicated to proving heterosexuality can chain, fetter and oppress our lives.
They’ve already worked themselves into hate over pretty models in bras and suspenders on the underground, tried to get beauty contests banned and want to install women watchdogs in factories to censor and preferably sack any man who dares to wink at a female colleague. They would at a stroke abolish eyelash curlers, coloured nail varnish and makeup.
Literature described as subversive would naturally include anything escapist like Barbara Cartland. Instead we’d be encouraged to strip down and reassemble a lorry.’
On the abolition of the GLC some inner London local authorities did set up their own lesbian and gay equality units, but the radical influence of lesbian feminism on municipal policies and practice had stalled indefinitely.
Lesbians in Education and the Inner London Education Authority
The Inner London education authority (ILEA) which controlled and funded school education for the inner London boroughts was much more cautious and conservative and never took up the GLC policy of challenging heterosexism. It did fund research into discrimination against lesbian and gay students in schools and published a report on this, but took the approach that ‘they were born that way,’ and therefore could not help it. Unlike the GLC it also dealt with lesbian and gay discrimination together, rather than separately.
At the same time the ILEA did not have an employment policy which prevented discrimination against lesbian and gay teachers or nursery workers. Openly lesbian or gay staff could still face dismissal because of the power of head teachers and school governing bodies. Following the abolition of the GLC, the ILEA did adopt a policy to prevent discrimination in employment against lesbian and gay teachers in l986, but in practice little changed since it was left to headteachers and governing bodies to implement it.
The Sexuality and Relationships project
Following the report on discrimination against lesbian and gay students in schools the authority funded a Sexuality and Relationships project which was headed up by a heterosexual woman and had one part-time gay male member of staff to develop resources on lesbian and gay issues to be used in schools. This meant that inevitably lesbianism was hardly addressed. One of its most unfortunate resources on parenting was a book entitled Jenny lives with Eric and Martin, which was taken up by the rightwing press, to argue that ILEA was promoting child sexual abuse, by having such a book. The book was not supported by lesbian mothers who were demanding that schools provide appropriate resources on lesbian households for their children.
On the more positive side the ILEA did fund a Women and Education Resource Centre which did provide resources for use in schools and youth projects and included books for children of lesbian mothers such as ‘I have lots of Mommies.’
Girls and young lesbian groups
The most innovative work involving lesbian feminists was developed through the ILEA youth service which was prepared to fund girls groups and young lesbian groups. The youth service was less constrained than school education because it was a non-statutory service and could argue that it was meeting the needs of girls and young women whose participation was voluntary. This is discussed in the following talk by Elaine Hutton on girls work.
Feminist Lesbians in Education
The group feminist lesbians in education was set up to act as a support and campaigning group to challenge heterosexism in education in London. It consisted of teachers, youth workers, students, lesbian mothers and others interested in changing education policy and practice. In 1987 it produced an issue of Gen a journal produced by the women and education group in London It documented the continued resistance of ILEA to challenge heterosexism in schools, the problems for teachers, school students and lesbian mothers in being able to be open about their sexuality to schools, as well as the more positive developments in youth work and in the development of lesbian feminist resources.
But by l987 the writing was on the wall. The Tory government was looking for an excuse to abolish the authority and the very limited work it had done on developing resources for schools on lesbian and gay issues became the prime target and the authority was not even prepared to defend this work. The Jenny lives with Eric and Martin book also served as the rationale for the government to introduce legislation (section 28) which would make it illegal for local authorities to intentionally promote homosexuality or publish materials which promoted homosexuality or promote the teaching of homosexuality as ‘a pretendedfamily relationship’. Lesbian feminism was also under attack from sexually libertarian lesbians who wanted to imitate the gay male lifestyle and the demise of its influence was reflected in the joint lesbian and gay campaign against section 28 and the subsequent development of ‘queer politics.’
References and resources
GLC Women’s Committee, Tackling Heterosexism: a Handbook of Lesbian Rights, l986
GLC Equal Opportunities Group Challenging Heterosexism in the work place. A training resource pack for personnel and training staff in local authorities.
Gen Challenging Heterosexism, l987.
Lynne Harne ‘Dangerous Liaisons Reasserting male power through gay movements’ in Lynne Harne and Elaine Miller ‘All the Rage Reasserting Radical Lesbian Feminism’ Womens Press, l996
Copyrights © Lynne Harne / Lesbian History Group and lesbianhistorygroup.wordpress.com, 2015. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Lesbian History Group and lesbianhistorygroup.wordpress.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.